uite appreciate the distinction between the immediate causes of a war
and the anterior and more fundamental causes; nevertheless, with the
world in a state of Summer peace on July 23, 1914, an issue, gravely
affecting the integrity of nations and the balance of power in Europe,
is suddenly precipitated by the Austrian ultimatum, and thereafter and
for the space of about a week a series of diplomatic communications
passed between the Chancelleries of Europe, designed on their face to
prevent a war and yet so ineffective that the war is precipitated and
the fearful Rubicon crossed before the world knew, except imperfectly,
the nature of the differences between the Governments involved. The
ethical aspects of this great conflict must largely depend upon the
record that has been made up by the official communications which can,
therefore, be treated as documentary evidence in a litigated case.

A substantial part of that record is already before the court of public
opinion in the British and German "White Papers," the Russian "Orange
Paper," and the Belgian "Gray Paper," and the purpose of this article is
to discuss what judgment an impartial and dispassionate court would
render upon the issues thus raised and the evidence thus submitted.

Primarily such a court would be deeply impressed not only by what the
record as thus made up discloses, _but also by the significant omissions
of documents known to be in existence_.

The official defense of England and Russia does not apparently show any
failure on the part of either to submit all of the documents in their
possession, _but the German "White Paper" on its face discloses the
suppression of documents of vital importance, while Austria has as yet
failed to submit any of the documentary evidence in its possession_.

We know from the German "White Paper"--even if we did not conclude as a
matter of irresistible inference--that many important communications
passed in this crisis between Germany and Austria, and it is probable
that some communications must also have passed between those two
countries and Italy. Italy, despite its embarrassing position, owes to
the world the duty of a full disclosure. What such disclosure would
probably show is indicated by her deliberate conclusion that her allies
had commenced an _aggressive_ war, which released her from any
obligation under the Triple Alliance.

The fact that communications passed between Berlin and Vienna, the text
of whic