sy. It virtually
rests the case of Germany upon the gospel of Treitschke and Bernhardi,
that each nation is justified in exerting its physical power to the
utmost in defense of its selfish interests and without any regard to
considerations of conventional morality. Might as between nations is the
sole criterion of right. There is no novelty in this gospel. Its only
surprising feature is its revival in the twentieth century. It was
taught far more effectively by Machiavelli in his treatise, "The
Prince," wherein he glorified the policy of Cesare Borgia in trampling
the weaker States of Italy under foot by ruthless terrorism, unbridled
ferocity, and the basest deception. Indeed, the wanton destruction of
Belgium is simply Borgiaism amplified ten-thousandfold by the mechanical
resources of modern war.

This Answer Cannot Satisfy.

Unless our boasted civilization is the thinnest veneering of barbarism;
unless the law of the world is in fact only the ethics of the rifle and
the conscience of the cannon; unless mankind after uncounted centuries
has made no real advance in political morality beyond that of the cave
dweller, then this answer of Germany cannot satisfy the "decent respect
to the opinions of mankind." Germany's contention that a treaty of peace
is "a scrap of paper," to be disregarded at will when required by the
selfish interests of one contracting party, is the negation of all that
civilization stands for.

Belgium has been crucified in the face of the world. Its innocence of
any offense, until it was attacked, is too clear for argument. Its
voluntary immolation to preserve its solemn guarantee of neutrality will
"plead like angels, trumpet-tongued, against the deep damnation of its
taking off." On that issue the Supreme Court could have no ground for
doubt or hesitation. Its judgment would be speedy and inexorable.

The remaining two issues, above referred to, are not so simple.
Primarily and perhaps exclusively, the ethical question turns upon the
issues raised by the communications which passed between the various
Chancelleries of Europe in the last week of July, for it is the amazing
feature of this greatest of all wars that it was precipitated by
diplomats and rulers, and, assuming that all these statesmen sincerely
desired a peaceful solution of the questions raised by the Austrian
ultimatum, (which is by no means clear,) it was the result of
ineffective diplomacy and clumsy diplomacy at that.

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