very different kind. Germany was quite intelligent enough to listen to
reason, and, besides, she had the prospect of becoming the dominating
industrial and commercial power in the world by dint merely of peaceful
penetration. It is possible that, if her relations with her Western
neighbors, including Great Britain, had been more intimate than they
actually were, she might have been saved from a great blunder, and might
have come to understand that the English-speaking races were not really
so inferior to herself as she took them to be. Her _hubris_ was in part,
at all events, the result of ignorance. Speaking for my own countrymen,
I think that neither did we know enough about the Germans nor did the
Germans know enough about us. They were ignorant of the innate capacity
for fighting, in industrial and military conflicts alike, which our
history shows we have always hitherto brought to light in great
emergencies. And they little realized how tremendously moral issues
could stir and unite democracies. We, on the other hand, knew little of
their tradition, their literature, or their philosophy. Our statesmen
did not read their newspapers, and rarely visited their country. We were
deficient in that quality which President Murray Butler has spoken of as
the "international mind."

I do not know whether, had it been otherwise, we could have brought
about the better state of things in Europe for which I tried to express
the hope, altho not without misgiving, in the address on "Higher
Nationality" which I was privileged to deliver before distinguished
representatives of the United States and of Canada at Montreal on
September 1, 1913. I spoke then of the possibility of a larger entente,
an entente which might become a real concert of the Great Powers of the
world; and I quoted the great prayer with which Grotius concludes his
book on "War and Peace." There was at least the chance, if we strove
hard enough, that we might find a response from the best in other
countries, and in the end attain to a new and real _Sittlichkeit_ which
should provide a firmer basis for International Law and reverence for
international obligations. But for the realization of this dream a
sustained and strenuous search after fuller mutual knowledge was
required.

After this address had been published, I received a letter from the
German Chancellor, Bethmann Hollweg, in which--writing in German and so
late as September 26, 1913--he expressed himself t