n refused his signature. Though in the new form it
bore the signatures of a majority of the cabinet, the paper was never
presented to Mr. Lincoln. The signers may have adopted the feeling of
Mr. Welles that it was discourteous; or they may have thought that with
only four members of the cabinet for it and three against it, it would
be ineffectual; or, more likely than either, the mere progress of events
may have brought them to consider it inexpedient.

The defeat of Pope became final and conclusive on the afternoon of
August 30, and his telegram announcing it conveyed an intimation that he
had lost control of his army. President Lincoln had, therefore, to
confront a most serious crisis and danger. Even without having seen the
written and signed protest, he was well aware of the feelings of the
cabinet against McClellan. With what began to look like a serious
conspiracy among McClellan's officers against Pope, with Pope's army in
a disorganized retreat upon Washington, with the capital in possible
danger of capture by Lee, and with a distracted and half-mutinous
cabinet, the President had need of all his caution and all his wisdom.
Both his patience and his judgment proved equal to the demand.

On Monday, September 1, repressing every feeling of indignation, and
solicitous only to make every expedient contribute to the public safety,
he called McClellan from Alexandria to Washington and asked him to use
his personal influence with the officers who had been under his command
to give a hearty and loyal support to Pope as a personal favor to their
former general, and McClellan at once sent a telegram in this spirit.

That afternoon, also, Mr. Lincoln despatched a member of General
Halleck's staff to the Virginia side of the Potomac, who reported the
disorganization and discouragement among the retreating troops as even
more than had been expected. Worse than all, Halleck, the
general-in-chief, who was much worn out by the labors of the past few
days, seemed either unable or unwilling to act with prompt direction and
command equal to the emergency, though still willing to give his advice
and suggestion.

Under such conditions, Mr. Lincoln saw that it was necessary for him
personally to exercise at the moment his military functions and
authority as commander-in-chief of the army and navy. On the morning of
September 2, therefore, he gave a verbal order, which during the day was
issued in regular form as coming from the ge