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attacked by Lee's army, and fought the second battle of
Bull Run on August 30, under the disadvantage of having one of
McClellan's divisions entirely absent and the other failing to respond
to his order to advance to the attack on the first day. McClellan had
reached Alexandria on August 24; and notwithstanding telegram after
telegram from Halleck, ordering him to push Franklin's division out to
Pope's support, excuse and delay seemed to be his only response, ending
at last in his direct suggestion that Franklin's division be kept to
defend Washington, and Pope be left to "get out of his scrape" as best
he might.
McClellan's conduct and language had awakened the indignation of the
whole cabinet, roused Stanton to fury, and greatly outraged the feelings
of President Lincoln. But even under such irritation the President was,
as ever, the very incarnation of cool, dispassionate judgment, allowing
nothing but the daily and hourly logic of facts to influence his
suggestions or decision. In these moments of crisis and danger he felt
more keenly than ever the awful responsibilities of rulership, and that
the fate of the nation hung upon his words and acts from hour to hour.
His official counselors, equally patriotic and sincere, were not his
equals in calmness of temper. On Friday, August 29, Stanton went to
Chase, and after an excited conference drew up a memorandum of protest,
to be signed by the members of the cabinet, which drew a gloomy picture
of present and apprehended dangers, and recommended the immediate
removal of McClellan from command. Chase and Stanton signed the paper,
as also did Bates, whom they immediately consulted, and somewhat later
Smith added his signature. But when they presented it to Welles, he
firmly refused, stating that though he concurred with them in judgment,
it would be discourteous and unfriendly to the President to adopt such a
course. They did not go to Seward and Blair, apparently believing them
to be friendly to McClellan, and therefore probably unwilling to give
their assent. The refusal of Mr. Welles to sign had evidently caused a
more serious discussion among them about the form and language of the
protest; for on Monday, September 1, it was entirely rewritten by Bates,
cut down to less than half its original length as drafted by Stanton,
and once more signed by the same four members of the cabinet.
Presented for the second time to Mr. Welles, he reiterated his
objection, and agai
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