ajority in the House of
Representatives. General McClellan was a Democrat, and, since his
removal from command, they proclaimed him a martyr to this policy, and
were grooming him to be their coming presidential candidate.

The passage of the conscription law afforded them a new pretext to
assail the administration; and Democratic members of both Houses of
Congress denounced it with extravagant partizan bitterness as a
violation of the Constitution, and subversive of popular liberty. In the
mouths of vindictive cross-roads demagogues, and in the columns of
irresponsible newspapers that supply the political reading among the
more reckless elements of city populations, the extravagant language of
Democratic leaders degenerated in many instances into unrestrained abuse
and accusation. Yet, considering that this was the first conscription
law ever enacted in the United States, considering the multitude of
questions and difficulties attending its application, considering that
the necessity of its enforcement was, in the nature of things, unwelcome
to the friends of the government, and, as naturally, excited all the
enmity and cunning of its foes to impede, thwart, and evade it, the law
was carried out with a remarkably small proportion of delay,
obstruction, or resulting violence.

Among a considerable number of individual violations of the act, in
which prompt punishment prevented a repetition, only two prominent
incidents arose which had what may be called a national significance. In
the State of New York the partial political reaction of 1862 had caused
the election of Horatio Seymour, a Democrat, as governor. A man of high
character and great ability, he, nevertheless, permitted his partizan
feeling to warp and color his executive functions to a dangerous
extent. The spirit of his antagonism is shown in a phrase of his
fourth-of-July oration:

"The Democratic organization look upon this administration as hostile to
their rights and liberties; they look upon their opponents as men who
would do them wrong in regard to their most sacred franchises."

Believing--perhaps honestly--the conscription law to be
unconstitutional, he endeavored, by protest, argument and administrative
non-compliance, to impede its execution on the plea of first demanding a
Supreme Court decision as to its legality. To this President Lincoln
replied:

"I cannot consent to suspend the draft in New York, as you request,
because, among other reaso