ovisions, to be starved by the
increase of an army, which seems supported only to consume them.

As, therefore, part of our present expense is, in my opinion,
unnecessary, I shall not contribute to aggravate it by a new grant, for
purposes of which I cannot discover that they will promote the advantage
of the publick.

Sir Robert WALPOLE replied to the following effect:--Sir, the Pragmatick
sanction, which we are engaged to support, is not confined to the
preservation of the order of succession, but extends to all the rights
of the house of Austria, which is now attacked, and by a very formidable
enemy, at a time of weakness and distraction, and therefore requires our
assistance.

That others, equally obliged by treaty and by interest to lend their
help on this occasion, sit reluctive, either through cowardice or
negligence, or some prospect of temporary advantage, may, perhaps, be
true; but is it any excuse of a crime, that he who commits it is not the
only criminal? Will the breach of faith in others excuse it in us?
Ought we not rather to animate them by our activity, instruct them by
our example, and awaken them by our representations?

Perhaps the other powers say to themselves, and to one another, Why
should we keep that treaty which Britain is violating? Why should we
expose ourselves to danger, of which that mighty nation, so celebrated
for courage, is afraid? Why should we rush into war, in which our most
powerful ally seems unwilling to support us?

Thus the same argument, an argument evidently false, and made specious
only by interest, may be used by all, till some one, more bold and
honest than the rest, shall dare to rise in vindication of those rights
which all have promised to maintain; and why should not the greatest
nation be the first that shall avow her solemn engagements? Why should
not they be most diligent in the prosecution of an affair who have most
to lose by its miscarriage?

I am always willing to believe, that no member of this assembly makes
use, in any solemn debate, of arguments which do not appear rational to
himself, and yet it is difficult to conceive that any man can imagine
himself released from a promise, because the same promise is broken by
another, or that he is at liberty to desert his friend in distress,
because others desert him, whose good offices he has equal reason to
expect, and that the more his assistance is needed, the more right he
has to deny it.

Surely such