ir measures, but a general
confusion, the depression of our own nation and our allies, and the
exaltation of the house of Bourbon?

It is universally allowed, my lords, and therefore it would be
superfluous to prove, that the liberties of Europe are now in the utmost
danger; that the house of Bourbon has arrived almost at that exalted
pinnacle of authority, from whence it will look down with contempt upon
all other powers, to which it will henceforward prescribe laws at
pleasure, whose dominions will be limited by its direction, and whose
armies will march at its command.

That Britain will be long exempted from the general servitude, that we
shall be able to stand alone against the whole power of Europe, which
the French may then bring down upon us, and preserve ourselves
independent, while every other nation acknowledges the authority of an
arbitrary conqueror, is by no means likely, and might be, perhaps,
demonstrated to be not possible.

How long we might be able to retain our liberty, it is beyond the reach
of policy to determine, but as it is evident, that when the empire is
subdued, the Dutch will quickly fall under the same dominion, and that
all their ports and all their commerce will then be in the hands of the
French, it cannot be denied that our commerce will quickly be at an end.
We shall then lose the dominion of the sea, and all our distant colonies
and settlements, and be shut up in our own island, where the continuance
of our liberties can be determined only by the resolution with which we
shall defend them.

That this, my lords, must probably, in a few years, be our state, if the
schemes of the house of Bourbon should succeed, is certain beyond all
controversy; and therefore it is evident, that no man to whom such a
condition does not appear eligible, can look unconcerned at the
confusion of the continent, or consider the destruction of the house of
Austria, without endeavouring to prevent it.

But, my lords, though such endeavours are the duty of all who are
engaged in the transaction of publick affairs, though the importance of
the cause of the queen of Hungary be acknowledged in the speech to which
we are to return an address, it does not appear that the ministers of
Britain have once attempted to assist her, or have even forborne any
thing which might aggravate her distress.

The only effectual methods by which any efficacious relief could have
been procured, were that of reconciling her wit