he house by which Europe has been hitherto protected, sink
into an empty name, and we shall be left to stand alone against all the
powers that profess a different religion, and whose interest is opposite
to that of Britain.

We ought, indeed, to act with the utmost vigour, when we see one of the
most powerful of the reformed princes so far forgetful of the interest
of our religion, as to cooperate with the designs of France, and so
intent upon improving the opportunity of distressing the house of
Austria, as to neglect the common cause, and expose himself or his
posterity to the danger of becoming a dependant on the house of Bourbon.

For this reason, I cannot agree that our army, though numerous and
burdensome, is greater than the necessity of affairs requires: if we
cast our eyes on the continent, nothing is to be seen but general
confusion, powerful armies in motion, the dominions of one prince
invaded, of another threatened; the tumults of ambition in one place,
and a panick stillness in another.

What will be the event of these commotions who can discover? And how can
we know what may determine the course of that flood of power, which is
now in a state of uncertain fluctuation, or seems driven to different
points by different impulses? How soon may the Dutch see their barrier
attacked, and call upon us for the ten thousand men which we are obliged
to send them? How soon may the house of Austria be so distressed, as to
require all our power for its preservation?

That we are to leave nothing unattempted for the security of our own
religion and liberty, will easily be granted, and, therefore, unless it
can be proved that we may be equally secure, though the house of Austria
be ruined, it will necessarily follow that we are, with all our power,
to enforce the observation of the Pragmatick sanction.

This is not an act of romantick generosity, but such as the closest
attention to our own interest shows to be necessary; in defending the
queen of Hungary we defend ourselves, and only extinguish that flame, by
which, if it be suffered to spread, we shall ourselves be consumed. The
empire may be considered as the bulwark of Britain, which, if it be
thrown down, leaves us naked and defenceless.

Let us, therefore, consider our own danger, and remember, that while we
are considering this supply, we are deliberating upon nothing less than
the fate of our country.

Mr. PULTENEY spoke next, to the effect following:--Sir,