necessarily to precede the effect, as
foreign influence is the consequence of happiness at home, let us first
endeavour to establish that alacrity and security that may animate the
people to assert their ancient superiority to other nations, and restore
that plenty which may raise them above any temptation to repine at
assistance given to our allies.

No man, sir, can very solicitously watch over the welfare of his
neighbour whose mind is depressed by poverty, or distracted by terrour;
and when the nation shall see us anxious for the preservation of the
queen of Hungary, and unconcerned about the wants of our
fellow-subjects, what can be imagined, but that we have some method of
exempting ourselves from the common distress, and that we regard not the
publick misery when we do not feel it?

Sir Robert WALPOLE replied, to the following effect:--Sir, it is always
proper for every man to lay down some principles upon which he proposes
to act, whether in publick or private; that he may not be always
wavering, uncertain, and irresolute; that his adherents may know what
they are to expect, and his adversaries be able to tell why they are
opposed.

It is necessary, sir, even for his own sake, that he may not be always
struggling with himself; that he may know his own determinations, and
enforce them by the reasons which have prevailed upon him to form them;
that he may not argue in the same speech to contrary purposes, and weary
the attention of his hearers with contrasts and antitheses.

When a man admits the necessity of granting a supply, expatiates upon
the danger that may be produced by retarding it, declares against the
least delay, however speciously proposed, and enforces the arguments
which have been already offered to show how much it is our duty and
interest to allow it; may it not reasonably be imagined, that he intends
to promote it, and is endeavouring to convince them of that necessity of
which he seems himself convinced?

But when the same man proceeds to display, with equal eloquence, the
present calamities of the nation, and tells to how much better purposes
the sum thus demanded may be applied; when he dwells upon the
possibility that an impolitick use may be made of the national treasure,
and hints that it may be asked for one purpose and employed to another,
what can be collected from his harangue, however elegant, entertaining,
and pathetick? How can his true opinion be discovered? Or how shall we
fi