imit his dominions, or obligation to
examine the justice of his demands. If he is only endeavouring to gain
what has been forcibly withheld from him, what right have we to obstruct
his undertaking? And if the queen can show a better title, she is, like
all other sovereigns, at liberty to maintain it; nor are we necessarily
to erect ourselves into judges between sovereigns, or distributors of
dominions.

The contest seems to have very little relation to the Pragmatick
sanction: if the king of Prussia succeeds, he will contribute to support
it; and if the queen is able to frustrate his designs, she will be too
powerful to need our assistance.

But though, sir, the Pragmatick sanction were in danger of violation,
are we to stand up alone in defence of it, while other nations, equally
engaged with ourselves by interest and by treaties, sit still to look
upon the contest, and gather those advantages of peace which we
indiscreetly throw away? Are we able to maintain it without assistance,
or are we to exhaust our country, and ruin our posterity in prosecution
of a hopeless project, to spend what can never be repaid, and to fight
with certainty of a defeat?

The Dutch, whose engagements and whose interests are the same as our
own, have not yet made any addition to their expenses, nor augmentation
of their troops; nor does a single potentate of Europe, however united
by long alliances to the house of Austria, or however endangered by
revolutions in the empire, appear to rouse at the approach of alarm, or
think himself obliged to provoke enemies by whom he is not yet injured.

I cannot, therefore, persuade myself that we are to stand up single in
the defence of the Pragmatick sanction, to fight the quarrel of others,
or live in perpetual war, that our neighbours may be at peace.

I shall always think it my duty to disburse the publick money with the
utmost parsimony, nor ever intend, but on the most pressing necessity,
to load with new exactions a nation already overwhelmed with debts,
harassed with taxes, and plundered by a standing army.

For what purpose these numerous forces are maintained, who are now
preying on the publick; why we increase our armies by land when we only
fight by sea; why we aggravate the burden of the war, and add domestick
oppressions to foreign injuries, I am at a loss to determine. Surely
some regard should be had to the satisfaction of the people, who ought
not, during the present scarcity of pr