FREE BOOKS

Author's List




PREV.   NEXT  
|<   763   764   765   766   767   768   769   770   771   772   773   774   775   776   777   778   779   780   781   782   783   784   785   786   787  
788   789   790   791   792   793   794   795   796   797   798   799   800   801   802   803   804   805   806   807   808   809   810   811   812   >>   >|  
arguing that constitutional and legal points were involved. As Congressman Durward G. Hall of Missouri put it: "The recommendations made in the report and in the directive indicate a narrowness of vision which, in seeing only the civil rights issue, has blinded itself to the question of whether it is proper to use the Armed Forces to enforce a moral or social, rather than a legal, issue in the civilian sector."[21-71] [Footnote 21-70: Ltr, Fitt to author, 22 May 72.] [Footnote 21-71: _Congressional Record_, 88th Cong., 1st sess., vol. 109, p. 14350.] Opponents argued generally that the directive represented government by fiat, an unprecedented extension of executive power that imposed the armed forces on civilian society in a new and illegal way. If the administration was already empowered to protect the civil rights of some citizens, why, they asked, was it pushing so hard for a civil rights bill? The fact was, several legislators argued, the Department of Defense was interfering with the civil rights of businessmen and practicing a crude form of economic blackmail.[21-72] [Footnote 21-72: Ibid., pp. 13778-87, 14349-56.] Critics also discussed the directive in terms of military efficiency. The secretary had given the commanders a new mission, Senator John Stennis of Mississippi noted, that "can only be detrimental to military tradition, discipline, and morale." Elaborating on this idea, Congressman L. Mendel Rivers of South Carolina predicted that the new policy would destroy the merit promotion system. Henceforth, Rivers forecast, advancement would depend on acceptance of integration; henceforth, racial quotas would "take the place of competence for purposes of promotion." Others were alarmed at the prospect of civil rights advisers on duty at each base and outside the regular chain of command. This outrage, Congressman H. R. Gross of Iowa charged, "would create the biggest army of snoopers and informers that the military has ever heard of." Some legislators saw sinister things afoot in the Pentagon. Senator Herman E. Talmadge of Georgia thought he recognized a return to the military districting of Reconstruction days, and Congressman F. Edward Hebert of Louisiana warned that "everybody should be prepared for the midnight knock on the door." Congressman Otto E. Passman of Louisiana thought it most likely that Attorney General Kenn
PREV.   NEXT  
|<   763   764   765   766   767   768   769   770   771   772   773   774   775   776   777   778   779   780   781   782   783   784   785   786   787  
788   789   790   791   792   793   794   795   796   797   798   799   800   801   802   803   804   805   806   807   808   809   810   811   812   >>   >|  



Top keywords:
Congressman
 

rights

 

military

 

Footnote

 
directive
 

civilian

 
promotion
 

Rivers

 
legislators
 
thought

Louisiana

 

Senator

 

argued

 

prospect

 

forecast

 
Henceforth
 
alarmed
 

system

 

Others

 
purposes

integration

 

quotas

 

racial

 

henceforth

 

acceptance

 

depend

 

competence

 

advancement

 
Mississippi
 
detrimental

tradition

 
Stennis
 

commanders

 

mission

 

discipline

 

morale

 

Carolina

 
predicted
 

policy

 
destroy

Mendel

 

Elaborating

 

advisers

 
charged
 
Edward
 

Hebert

 

warned

 

Reconstruction

 

districting

 

Georgia