ll hardened his heart against good advice.
Even the Beaconsfield Ministry finally agreed to sign a Protocol, that
of March 31, 1877, which recounted the efforts of the six Great Powers
for the improvement of the lot of the Christians in Turkey, and
expressed their approval of the promises of reform made by that State on
February 13, 1876. Passing over without notice the new Turkish
Constitution, the Powers declared that they would carefully watch the
carrying out of the promised reforms, and that, if no improvement in the
lot of the Christians should take place, "they [the Powers] reserve to
themselves to consider in common as to the means which they may deem
best fitted to secure the wellbeing of the Christian populations, and
the interests of the general peace[117]." This final clause contained a
suggestion scarcely less threatening than that with which the Berlin
Memorandum had closed; and it is difficult to see why the British
Cabinet, which now signed the London Protocol, should have wrecked that
earlier effort of the Powers. In this as in other matters it is clear
that the Cabinet was swayed by a "dual control."

[Footnote 117: Parl. Papers, Turkey, No. 9 (1877), p. 2.]

But now it was all one whether the British Government signed the
Protocol or not. Turkey would have none of it. Despite Lord Derby's
warning that "the Sultan would be very unwise if he would not endeavour
to avail himself of the opportunity afforded him to arrange a mutual
disarmament," that potentate refused to move a hair's-breadth from his
former position. On the 12th of April the Turkish ambassador announced
to Lord Derby the final decision of his Government: "Turkey, as an
independent State, cannot submit to be placed under any surveillance,
whether collective or not. . . . No consideration can arrest the Imperial
Government in their determination to protest against the Protocol of the
31st March, and to consider it, as regards Turkey, as devoid of all
equity, and consequently of all binding character." Lord Derby thereupon
expressed his deep regret at this decision, and declared that he "did
not see what further steps Her Majesty's Government could take to avert
a war which appeared to have become inevitable[118]."

[Footnote 118: Parl. Papers, Turkey, No. 15 (1877), pp. 354-355.]

The Russian Government took the same view of the case, and on April
7-19, 1877, stated in a despatch that, as a pacific solution of the
Eastern Question was no