ire for ever from the maritime powers, by which it
had been supported, and which were engaged by one common interest in the
promotion of its prosperity: but his remonstrances availed nothing, and
the alliance was concluded.

When our ancient allies, who had been so often succoured with our
treasure, and defended by our arms, had entered into such engagements;
when it was stipulated not only to impoverish but enslave us; not only
to weaken us abroad, but to deprive us of every domestick comfort; when
a scheme was formed that would have spread misery over the whole nation,
and have extended its consequences to the lowest orders of the
community, it was surely necessary to frustrate it by some alliance, and
with whom could we then unite, but with France?

This is not the only fact on which gentlemen have ventured to speak with
great freedom without sufficient information; the conduct of our allies
in the late war has been no less misrepresented than that of our
ministers in their negotiations. They have been charged with imposing
upon us the whole expense of the confederacy, when it may be proved,
beyond controversy, that the annual charge of the Dutch was five
millions.

Nor did they, sir, only contribute annually thus largely to the common
cause, but when we forsook the alliance, and shamefully abandoned the
advantages we had gained, they received our mercenaries into their own
pay, and expended nine millions in a single year.

Of the truth of these assertions it is easy to produce incontestable
evidence, which, however, cannot be necessary to any man who reflects,
that from one of the most wealthy nations in the world, the Dutch, with
all their commerce, and all their parsimony, are reduced to penury and
distress; for who can tell by what means they have sunk into their
present low condition, if they suffered nothing by the late war?

How this gentleman, sir, has been deceived, and to whose insinuations
his errours are to be imputed, I am at no loss to discover. I hope he
will, by this confutation, be warned against implicit credulity, and
remember with what caution that man is to be trusted, whose pernicious
counsels have endangered his country.

Mr. VYNER spoke thus:--Sir, it is, in my opinion, an incontestable
maxim, that no measures are eligible, which are unjust; and that,
therefore, before any resolutions are formed, we ought to examine not
what motives may be suggested by expedience, but what arguments may