his hand, turned and flew off. Fair play! I
should like to meet that Englishman, only to tell him that he is
greater, to my mind, than the heroes of old.
"_February 3, 1918._--Started for Berlin. Kuehlmann, Hoffmann,
Colloredo.
"_February 4, 1918._--Arrived Berlin. Nothing this afternoon, as the
Germans are holding council among themselves.
"_February 5, 1918._--Sitting all day. I had several violent passages
of arms with Ludendorff. Matters seemed to be clearing up, though this
is not yet altogether done. Apart from deciding on our tactics for
Brest, we have at last to set down _in writing_ that we are only
obliged to fight for the pre-war possessions of Germany. Ludendorff
was violently opposed to this, and said, 'If Germany makes peace
without profit, then Germany has lost the war.'
"The controversy was growing more and more heated, when Hertling
nudged me and whispered: 'Leave him alone, we two will manage it
together without him.'
"I am now going to work out the draft at once and send it in to
Hertling.
"Supper this evening at Hoehenlohe.
"_February 6, 1918._--Arrived Brest this evening. Wiesner has been at
it untiringly and done excellent work; the situation, too, is easier
now. The leader of the Austrian Ruthenians, Nikolay Wassilko, arrived
yesterday, and albeit evidently excited by the part his
Russian-Ukrainian comrades are playing at Brest, speaks nationally,
far more chauvinistically than when I thought I knew him in Vienna,
and we have at last agreed on the minimum of the Ukrainian demands. I
gave as my advice in Berlin that we should try to finish with the
Ukrainians as soon as possible. I could then in the name of Germany
commence negotiations with Trotski, and try if I could not get speech
with him privately, and find out whether any agreement were possible
or not. It is Gratz's idea. After some opposition we agreed.
"_February 7, 1918._--My conversation with Trotski took place. I took
Gratz with me; he has far exceeded all my expectations of him. I began
by telling Trotski that a breach of the regulations and a resumption
of hostilities were imminent, and wished to know if this could not be
avoided before the fatal step were definitely taken. I therefore
begged Herr Trotski to inform me openly and without reserve what
conditions he would accept. Trotski then declared very frankly and
clearly that he was not so simple as we appeared to think, that he
knew well enough force was the str
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