afford ample confirmation: and
of Ulster I may claim to have some knowledge. I represented County Down
in the Imperial Parliament at Westminster before it was divided into
constituencies, and in my later days I have maintained my close interest
in Ulster. At the least, then, I may say that the temperament, the
political and religious convictions, and the character of Ulster
Unionists are not unknown to me.

I often read of "the Ulster bogey;" and I believe Mr. John Redmond once
devoted an article in a Sunday paper to elaborate statistical
calculations from which he drew the deduction that there was no Ulster
question. Other Home Rulers, by an expert use of figures, show that
there is a Home Rule majority in Ulster itself. To those who know Ulster
their efforts fail to carry the slightest conviction. Figures, however
skilfully chosen, articles in the press, however cleverly written,
cannot destroy the facts of Ulster Unionist opposition to Home Rule, the
intensity and seriousness of which is, I believe, only now beginning to
be appreciated by His Majesty's Ministers.

I hear of "Ulster bigots," "Ulster deadheads," and assertions made that
the opposition only proceeds from a few aristocratic Tory landlords.
Hard words do us no harm; but abusive epithets will not lessen Ulster
opposition. Indeed the more we are reviled by our opponents, the more we
believe they recognize the futility of persuading us to accept Home
Rule.

We read of the intense anxiety of Irish Nationalists on English
platforms lest even the suspicion of intolerance should cloud their
administration and legislation under Home Rule, with interest but
without respect. We do not believe in these sudden repentances, and we
have heard these professions time and again when the exigencies of the
moment demanded them.

The spirit of change has even affected the Government. At first Ulster
was to be ignored; now it is to be conciliated. There is no safeguard
that they will not insert in the Bill at our request. The First Lord of
the Admiralty has a list already prepared; and they will welcome
additions. Mr. Redmond accepts them all; and the fact that he does it
readily raises our suspicions of their worth. Has not Mr. John Dillon
said that artificial guarantees in an Act of Parliament were no real
protection,[63] and for once it is possible to agree with him.

Why should "bigots" be conciliated; or "deadheads" receive so much
consideration? Why should the opp