trade centres of the Midlands and the South of
Scotland. In any attack by an enemy on our commerce, Ireland will become
of supreme importance. There are two stages in every naval war: first,
the engagement between the two navies; second, the blockade or
destruction of the ships of the beaten side. This was the method by
which we fought Napoleon, but even then we could not prevent the enemy's
ships escaping from time to time; and even after we had destroyed their
navy at Trafalgar, the damage to our oversea commerce was enormous.
Nowadays, torpedoes, submarines, and floating mines have rendered
blockade infinitely more precarious, and consequently we have to take
into account the extreme probability, and indeed, certainty, of hostile
cruisers escaping and menacing our oversea supplies. This danger will be
increased tenfold if Germany has been able to defeat France, and use
French, Dutch, and Belgian ports for privateering purposes. In the
second, if not in the first, stage of European war, therefore, the
closest co-operation between the governments of Ireland and England will
be essential. In this case, Queenstown and Lough Swilly will be the
bases for our own protecting cruisers, and on their success will depend
the issues of life and death for our people. As the West of Ireland is
the nearest point in these islands to America, it is probable that
cargoes destined for English ports will reach them _via_ Ireland to
avoid the longer sea-transit. Lord Wolseley has even gone so far as to
minimise the dangers of blockade, because the Irish coast offered such
facilities for blockade-running. It is certain that in our greatest need
Ireland might well prove our salvation, provided we had not absolutely
lost command of the sea, and this advantage a Liberal Government is
prepared to jeopardise for reasons, which, compared with the interests
at stake, are little less than sordid.

But even if Ireland be less directly affected by war than in this case,
and even if its internal condition should give little anxiety, the very
nature of its resources should prevent us taking a step which may
deprive us of them in emergency or, at least, render them less readily
available. Not only do we draw a number of our soldiers from there, out
of all proportion to the quotas provided by the populations of England
and Scotland, but we are absolutely dependent for our mounted branches
on Irish horses. For our supplies in time of stress, for our horse