ginnings of representative assemblies in all proprietary provinces.
The second, like the first, Lord Baltimore, was a believer in kings and
aristocracies, in a natural division of human society into masters and
men. His effort was to plant intact in Maryland a feudal order. He would
be Palatine, the King his suzerain. In Maryland the great planters, in
effect his barons, should live upon estates, manorial in size and with
manorial rights. The laboring men--the impecunious adventurers whom
these greater adventurers brought out--would form a tenantry, the
Lord Proprietary's men's men. It is true that, according to charter,
provision was made for an Assembly. Here were to sit "freemen of the
province," that is to say, all white males who were not in the position
of indentured servants. But with the Proprietary, and not with the
Assembly, would rest primarily the lawmaking power. The Lord Proprietary
would propose legislation, and the freemen of the country would debate,
in a measure advise, represent, act as consultants, and finally confirm.
Baltimore was prepared to be a benevolent lord, wise, fatherly.

In 1635 met the first Assembly, Leonard Calvert and his Council
sitting with the burgesses, and this gathering of freemen proceeded to
inaugurate legislation. There was passed a string of enactments which
presumably dealt with immediate wants at St. Mary's, and which, the
Assembly recognized, must have the Lord Proprietary's assent. A copy was
therefore sent by the first ship to leave. So long were the voyages and
so slow the procedure in England that it was 1637 before Baltimore's
veto upon the Assembly's laws reached Maryland. It would seem that
he did not disapprove so much of the laws themselves as of the bold
initiative of the Assembly, for he at once sent over twelve bills of
his own drafting. Leonard Calvert was instructed to bring all freemen
together in Assembly and present for their acceptance the substituted
legislation.

Early in 1638 this Maryland Assembly met. The Governor put before it for
adoption the Proprietary's laws. The vote was taken. Governor and some
others were for, the remainder of the Assembly unanimously against, the
proposed legislation. There followed a year or two of struggle over this
question, but in the end the Proprietary in effect acknowledged defeat.
The colonists, through their Assembly, might thereafter propose laws
to meet their exigencies, and Governor Calvert, acting for his broth