th
a reported speech, "I am in overshoes; I will be in overboots!" and a
wife Sarah who snapped a stick in two with the cry, "I care no more for
the power of England than for this broken straw!"--to those who would be
revolutionary as long as, and only when, it seemed safe to be so.
How much of revolution, despite that speech about his Majesty's demesne
and subjects, was in Bacon's mind, or in Richard Lawrence's mind and
William Drummond's mind, or in the mind of their staunchest supporters,
may hardly now be resolved. Perhaps as much as was in the mind of
Patrick Henry, Thomas Jefferson, and George Mason a century later.
The Governor was in Accomac, breathing fire and slaughter, though as
yet without brand or sword with which to put his ardent desires into
execution. But he and the constituted order were not without friends
and supporters. He had, as his opponents saw, a number of "wicked and
pernicious counsellors, aides and assistants against the commonalty in
these our cruel commotions." Moreover--and a great moreover is that!--it
was everywhere bruited that he had sent to England, to the King, "for
two thousand Red Coates." Perhaps the King--perhaps England--will take
his view, and, not consulting the good of Virginia, send the Red Coats!
What then?
Bacon, as a measure of opposition, proposed "a test or recognition," to
be signed by those here at Middle Plantation who earnestly do wish the
good of Virginia. It was a bold test! Not only should they covenant to
give no aid to the whilom?? Governor against this new general and army,
but if ships should bring the Red Coats they were to withstand them.
There is little wonder that "this bugbear did marvellously startle" that
body of Virginia horsemen, those progressive gentlemen planters, and
others. Yet in the end, after violent contentions, the assembly at
Middle Plantation drew up and signed a remarkable paper, the "Oath at
Middle Plantation." Historically, it is linked on the one hand with
that "thrusting out of his government" of Sir John Harvey in Charles I's
time, and on the other with Virginian proceedings a hundred years later
under the third George. If his Majesty had been, as it was rumored,
wrongly informed that Virginia was in rebellion; if, acting upon that
misinformation, he sent troops against his loyal Virginians--who were
armed only against an evil Governor and intolerable woes then these same
good loyalists would "oppose and suppress all forces wh
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