hed upon
Mr. Gladstone during the whole of 1884. One day in the autumn of this
year, towards the end of the business before the cabinet, a minister asked
if there was anything else. "No," said Mr. Gladstone with sombre irony as
he gathered up his papers, "we have done our Egyptian business, and we are
an Egyptian government." His general position was sketched in a letter to
Lord Granville (Mar. 22, 1884): "In regard to the Egyptian question
proper, I am conscious of being moved by three powerful considerations.
(1) Respect for European law, and for the peace of eastern Europe,
essentially connected with its observance. (2) The just claims of the
Khedive, who has given us no case against him, and his people as connected
with him. (3) Indisposition to extend the responsibilities of this
country. On the first two I feel very stiff. On the third I should have
due regard to my personal condition as a vanishing quantity."
The question of the continuance of the old dual control by England and
France was raised almost immediately after the English occupation began,
but English opinion supported or stimulated the cabinet in refusing to
restore a form of co-operation that had worked well originally in the
hands of Baring and de Blignieres, but had subsequently betrayed its
inherent weakness. France resumed what is diplomatically styled liberty of
action in Egypt; and many months were passed in negotiations, the most
entangled in which a British government was ever engaged. Why did not
England, impatient critics of Mr. Gladstone and his cabinet inquire, at
once formally proclaim a protectorate? Because it would have been a direct
breach of her moral obligations of good faith to Europe. These were
undisputed and indisputable. It would have brought her within instant
reach of a possible war with France, for which the sinister and interested
approval of Germany would have been small compensation.
The issue lay between annexation and withdrawal,--annexation to be veiled
and indirect, withdrawal to be cautious and conditional. No member of the
cabinet at this time seems to have listened with any favour whatever to
the mention of annexation. Apart from other objections, it would
undeniably have been a flagrant breach of solemn international
engagements. The cabinet was pledged up to the lips to withdrawal, and
when Lord Hartington talked to the House of Commons of the last British
soldier quitting Egypt in a few months, nobody ever do
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