e freedom which Professor Nanson claims under the
present system of election? Is it not the fact that throughout England,
America, and Australia the electors have very often a choice between two
candidates only--one Ministerialist and one Oppositionist? By all means
let us have as many political organizations as possible to make known
the wishes of all sections; but the true function of all such
organizations is to influence the policies of the two main parties, and
not to secure independent delegates in Parliament. This means simply
that the compromise among the different sections supporting a party must
be effected in the electors' minds, and at the elections, and not on the
floor of the Legislature.

The fourth claim is the emancipation of the voters from the tyranny of
the "boss." Now, the power of the "boss" lies in the control of
nominations, and although to some extent this control is necessary with
the present system of election, it is not essential to party government,
as we hope to show. But with government by faction there would be no
escape from this control. The tyranny of a faction is worse than the
tyranny of the "boss." The voters need saving from their own selfish
passions far more than from the "boss."

The final claim that each elector is entitled to the full value of his
vote, regardless of the way in which it is used, is really a claim to an
equality of political power, _i.e._, to direct government. It means
that electors are absolutely free to combine for their own interests, or
for their interest as a class, in opposition to the public welfare.
These combinations would, with an equality of direct political power,
soon bring on social disruption.

+Professor Jethro Brown.+--In the preface to "The New Democracy," by
Professor Jethro Brown, the two fundamental difficulties of present-day
politics are correctly stated to be--how to express public opinion, and
how to improve its value. For the first of these Professor Brown
recommends the Hare system, and for the second the study of history.
Later on he writes:--"How is the amelioration of popular sovereignty to
be effected? Not, I venture to believe, by the pursuit of the policy
which hopes to play off ignorance against ignorance and prejudice
against prejudice, and to secure good government by the arts of
flattery, manipulation, and intrigue; nor, indeed, by the improvement of
democratic machinery, though this is extremely desirable, and calls for