, the
reformers, 'faddists,' and 'cranks,' so called. They would retain
exclusive majority rule and party responsibility in order to prevent the
disproportionate influence of these petty groups. They overlook, of
course, the weight of the argument already made that individual
responsibility is more important for the people than the corporate
responsibility of parties." The assumption is here made that the
complete suppression of individuality is an essential feature of party
government, whereas it is in fact a peculiar feature of American
politics, due to "machine" control of nominations. The one point which
Professor Commons has missed is that individual candidature can be
permitted and representation still be confined to the two main parties.
+Conclusion.+--The advocates of proportional delegation have failed to
grasp the importance of the principles of organization and leadership,
which underlie representation. Mr. Hare thought that the effect of doing
away with organization would be to improve leadership. But he reckoned
without his host--Human Nature. Organization cannot be dispensed with
without destroying leadership and bringing on the strife of factions.
FOOTNOTE:
[1] Now Lord Avebury.
CHAPTER III.
THE PRESENT POSITION OF PARTY GOVERNMENT.
+England.+--We have seen that the fundamental error of the
proportionalists is that they have failed to distinguish between the two
stages of representation. In constantly appealing back to the earlier
parliaments they altogether overlook the fact that the functions which
Parliament now exercises were then vested in the King. But this error is
not confined to the proportionalists, most of whom, indeed, however
inconsistently, favour party government. It is also put forth as an
argument by those who lay all the blame of present evils on the party
system, and who think that all sections should work together as one
united party. Take, for instance, the diatribe of Mr. W.S. Lilly on "The
Price of Party Government" in the _Fortnightly Review_ for June, 1900.
Mr. Lilly complains bitterly that the infallible oracle in politics
to-day is "the man in the street." He asserts that all issues are
settled "by counting heads, in entire disregard of what the heads
contain." His bugbear is the extension of the franchise. "Representative
institutions, for example," he asks, "what do they represent? The true
theory unquestionably is that they should represent all the featur
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