known, in the great body of the people. The first burst of the
Revolution, like the first use of gunpowder, had only shown the
boundless force of a new element of destruction. The Spanish
insurrection showed its protecting and preservative power. The
tremendous energy which seemed to defy all control, was there seen
effecting the highest results of national defence, and giving proof of
the irresistible strength provided in the population of _every_ land.
What nation of Europe does not possess a million of men for its
defence; and what invader could confront a million of men on their own
soil? Let this truth be felt, and aggression becomes hopeless, and war
ceases to exist among men.

For the first time in the history of war, it was discovered, that the
true force of kingdoms had been mistaken--a mistake which had lasted
for a thousand years; that armies were but splendid machines; and
that, while they might be crushed by the impulse of machines more
rapid, stronger, and more skilfully urged, nothing could crush the
vigour of defence, while it was supplied by a people.

The _levee en masse_ of France was but the rudest, as it was the
earliest, form of the new discovery. There, terror was the moving
principle. The conscription was the recruiting-officer. The guillotine
was the commander who manoeuvred the generals, the troops, and the
nation. Yet, the revolutionary armies differed in nothing from the
monarchical, but in the superiority of their numbers, and the
inferiority of their discipline.

The war of Spain was another, and a nobler advance. It was the war of
a nation. In France the war was the conspiracy of a faction. In Spain
the loss of the capital only inflamed the hostility of the provinces.
In France the loss of the capital would have extinguished the
Revolution; as it afterwards extinguished the Empire. I think that I
can see the provision for a still bolder and more beneficent advance,
even in those powerful developments of national capabilities. It will,
perhaps, be left to other nations. Spain and France have a yoke upon
their minds, which will disqualify them both from acting the nobler
part of guides to Europe. Superstition contains in itself the canker
of slavery; perfect freedom is essential to perfect power; and the
nation which, from the cradle, prostrates itself to the priest, must
retain the early flexure of its spine. The great experiment must be
reserved for a nobler public mind; for a people re