Liberal," especially valuable to the Cabinet for
the confidence reposed in him by Queen Victoria and Prince Albert.

In 1861 Palmerston was seventy-seven years old. Long before this he had
built his popularity upon a vigorous British "patriotism," assertive of
England's honour and jealous for British advantage. Now, however, as
head of a Government requiring the most delicate handling to maintain
itself, he devoted his energies to details of political management in
which he had great skill. His ambition was, primarily, to retain office,
and in this purpose he was fortunate because, unknown to his ministerial
colleagues, he had received an indirect pledge from Lord Derby, the
Opposition leader, that there would be, for a time at least, no
determined effort to unseat him so long as his Ministry brought forward
no Bill for a further expansion of the franchise. In the unwillingness
to make any further adventure toward an expanded democracy Palmerston
was wholly at one with Derby. Of like opinion, though less strongly so,
was Russell, whose popular nickname, "Finality John," gained by his
assertion that the Reform Bill of 1832 was England's last step toward
democracy, sufficiently indicates his stand on the franchise
question. In fact every member of the Cabinet belonged to the
"Conservative-Liberal" group, though with shades of political faith, and
none were really Liberals--far less Radicals. The outspoken Radicals in
Parliament, like John Bright, and his friend Cobden, who had refused to
take office under Palmerston, gave a lukewarm support to the Ministry,
but would not pledge themselves to steadfast adherence. They had hopes
of Gladstone, believed that he would ultimately come into their group,
but meanwhile watched with anxiety his delighted immersion, as indeed
Palmerston desired it, in the details of financial management to the
exclusion of other questions.

The matter of ministerial and general British attitude toward democracy
as affecting British policy during the American Civil War will be
considered in a later chapter. In the spring of 1861 it had not become a
clear-cut British opinion and did not, so far as historical evidence can
determine, affect early governmental policy toward America. The
outstanding feature of the British Government in 1861 is that it was
made up of various so-called "Liberal" elements, the representatives of
each of which carried on the business of his own department much as he
pleased.