hat no protracted war would
occur. Nevertheless he was compelled to face the situation in its
relation to British commerce.

On February 16, Russell addressed Lyons on that aspect of possible war
which would at once call for a determination of British policy. "Above
all things," he wrote, "endeavour to prevent a blockade of the Southern
coast. It would produce misery, discord, and enmity incalculable[82]."
Within a week Forster, a thorough friend of the North throughout the
whole war, was interrogating the Ministry in the House of Commons in
regard to the situation at Charleston, and expressing the hope that
England would not in any way attempt to interfere[83]. This was the
first reference in Parliament, its sittings but just renewed after the
long vacation, to the American conflict, but British commercial
interests were being forced to a keener attention, and already men in
many circles were asking themselves what should be the proper
governmental attitude; how soon this new Southern Confederacy could
justly claim European recognition; how far and how fast European
governments ought to go in acknowledging such a claim; what ought to be
the proper policy and position of a neutral power; whether, indeed, a
declaration of neutrality ought to be issued.

With these questions rapidly coming to the front, it became important
for British statesmen to know something about the leaders in this new
Southern movement, the attitude of the people in general, and the
purposes of the new Government. Here, unfortunately, Lord Lyons could
be no guide. The consuls in the South, however, were in a position to
give their impressions. On February 28, 1861, Bunch wrote to Russell,
describing the election of Davis and Stephens[84], to the Presidency and
Vice-Presidency of the Confederacy, and giving a personal
characterization of many members of the Government. He was rather
caustic. Davis, he said, was the only _able_ man, and he, unfortunately,
was a confirmed "manifest destiny" leader, so much so in fact that Bunch
prophesied a renewal of filibustering when once the North had acquiesced
in a Southern State and the fear of the North had passed. Bunch had no
faith in any future greatness of the South, asserting that it would be a
State despised among nations for its maintenance of slavery, and that it
could not hope for any encouragement or sympathy from the humane nations
of Europe; in fact, his entire characterization was wholly damning