efore, that due provision for education, at any rate,
is a right and, indeed, a duty, of the state.

The three opinions upon which all government, or the authority of the
few over the many, is founded, says Hume, are public interest, right to
power, and right to property. No government can permanently exist,
unless the majority of the citizens, who are the ultimate depositary of
Force, are convinced that it serves the general interest, that it has
lawful authority, and that it respects individual rights:--

"A government may endure for several ages, though the balance of
power and the balance of property do not coincide.... But where the
original constitution allows any share of power, though small, to
an order of men who possess a large share of property, it is easy
for them gradually to stretch their authority, and bring the
balance of power to coincide with that of property. This has been
the case with the House of Commons in England."--(III. 34.)

Hume then points out that, in his time, the authority of the Commons was
by no means equivalent to the property and power it represented, and
proceeds:--

"Were the members obliged to receive instructions from their
constituents, like the Dutch deputies, this would entirely alter
the case; and if such immense power and riches as those of all the
Commons of Great Britain, were brought into the scale, it is not
easy to conceive that the crown could either influence that
multitude of people, or withstand that balance of property. It is
true, the crown has great influence over the collective body in the
elections of members; but were this influence, which at present is
only exerted once in seven years, to be employed in bringing over
the people to every vote, it would soon be wasted, and no skill,
popularity, or revenue could support it. I must, therefore, be of
opinion that an alteration in this particular would introduce a
total alteration in our government, would soon reduce it to a pure
republic; and, perhaps, to a republic of no inconvenient
form."--(III. 35.)

Viewed by the light of subsequent events, this is surely a very
remarkable example of political sagacity. The members of the House of
Commons are not yet delegates; but, with the widening of the suffrage
and the rapidly increasing tendency to drill and organise the
electorate, and to exact definite ple