es in February, I
assumed and I am certain that he had in mind that there would be a
preliminary treaty. With that in view I drafted at the time a
memorandum setting forth what the preliminary treaty of peace should
contain. Here are the subjects I then set down:

"1. Restoration of Peace and official relations.

"2. Restoration of commercial and financial relations subject to
conditions.

"3. Renunciation by Germany of all territory and territorial rights
outside of Europe.

"4. Minimum territory of Germany in Europe, the boundaries to be
fixed in the Definitive Treaty.

"5. Maximum military and naval establishments and production of arms
and munitions.

"6. Maximum amount of money and property to be surrendered by Germany
with time limits for payment and delivery.

"7. German property and territory to be held as security by the
Allies until the Definitive Treaty is ratified.

"8. Declaration as to the organization of a League of Nations.

"The President's obsession as to a League of Nations blinds him to
everything else. An immediate peace is nothing to him compared to the
adoption of the Covenant. The whole world wants peace. The President
wants his League. I think that the world will have to wait."

The eight subjects, above stated, were the ones which I called to the
President's attention at the time he was leaving Paris for the United
States and which he said he did not care to discuss.

The views that are expressed in the memorandum of March 30 are those
that I have continued to hold. The President was anxious to have the
Treaty, even though preliminary in character, contain detailed rather
than general provisions, especially as to the League of Nations. With
that view I entirely disagreed, as detailed terms of settlement and the
articles of the Covenant as proposed would cause discussion and
unquestionably delay the peace. To restore the peaceful intercourse
between the belligerents, to open the long-closed channels of commerce,
and to give to the war-stricken peoples of Europe opportunity to resume
their normal industrial life seemed to me the first and greatest task to
be accomplished. It was in my judgment superior to every other object of
the Paris negotiations. Compared with it the creation of a League of
Nations was insignificant and could well be postponed. President Wilson
thought otherwise. We were very far apart in this matt