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Thereupon he assumed that the President would take the opinion of the Attorney-General. Having advanced thus far, he next proceeded to write the questions that he imagined the President would prepare and submit to the Attorney-General. These questions he transmitted to a brother correspondent in New York --Mr. F. A. Abbott--under cover of a letter which was not produced. Flint gave the substance of his letter to Abbott in these words: "These questions are supposed or believed to have submitted by the President to the Attorney-General." Speaking of Abbott, Flint said: "I knew he was connected with several newspapers and I had no doubt when I sent these questions that they would appear in some paper in some shape. . . . The object I had in view in writing these questions and in sending them to Mr. Abbott was that they might appear before the public, and that the public mind might be directed to that point, and that the newspapers particularly might be led to express their sentiments upon the questions involved in it." When the publication "had given rise to considerable discussion" in the language of Flint, "I thought," he says, "I ought to go the President and tell him what part of the despatch was mine and what connection I had had with the publication of it." Of his interview with the President, he gives this report: "He showed me an article, which I think, appeared the day after the questions were published, in the _Daily News_ of Philadelphia, which took pretty nearly the same ground my questions would indicate. . . . He spoke of it rather approvingly." Flint adds: "I had remarked to him: 'Mr. Johnson, it seemed to me that it would be by no means remarkable that you should prepare such questions as bear upon a subject which I know must have occupied your mind as it has the public mind.' I forget what reply he made; it was a sort of affirmative response or assent." Whatever may have been the origin of Flint's questions, their appearance in the manner indicated is an instance of volunteer service not often paralleled in the rough contests of life. Without any effort on his own part the President gained knowledge of a public sentiment upon the question of the legality of the Thirty-ninth Congress--a question in which he had much interest in the autumn of 1866. The project to increase the army around Washington and the project to proclaim the Thirty-ninth Congress an illegal body may have had an
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