exceptionally strong lot, as they seem to be able to strike terror
into the hearts of the British, who are five times their superiors.

I hope your Lordship will read these lines with kind consideration.
They are written by one who is an ardent admirer of your splendid
navy, who wishes it all success, and who hopes that its ensign may
ever wave on the same side as the German Navy's, and by one who is
proud to wear a British naval uniform of Admiral of the Fleet,
which was conferred on him by the late great Queen of blessed
memory.

Once more the German naval bill is not aimed at England and is not
a challenge to British supremacy of the sea, which will remain
unchallenged for generations to come. Let us all remember the
warning Admiral Sir John Fisher gave to his hearers in November,
when so cleverly he cautioned them not to get scared by using the
admirable phrase "if Eve had not always kept her eye on the apple
she would not have eaten it, and we should not now be bothered with
clothes."

I remain yours truly,

WILLIAM I. R.,
Admiral of the Fleet.

* * * * *

Attacks Kaiser's Veracity.

The Morning Post, commenting on the letter of the Kaiser, says:

It is not usual for an Emperor to address a Minister of a foreign
country with reference to the affairs of his department. It is a
fact that it is not done. Lord Tweedmouth said the letter was a
private letter. The German Chancellor, Prince von Buelow, said the
letter partook of both a private and a political character. The
fact remains that it involved an extraordinary breach of etiquette.
There is no reflection cast upon the late Lord Tweedmouth. No one
can help receiving a letter from an Emperor if that monarch
condescends to dispatch it. Few persons, perhaps, could help being
influenced, albeit unconsciously influenced, by the perusal of such
an epistle.

Perhaps the German Emperor reflected upon that psychological
contingency; for to what conclusion is the whole tenor of the
letter directed? That the German Navy existed solely for purposes
of defense in case of aggression and for the protection of German
commerce, and that it was no part of German policy, and never had
been, to menace the sea power of Britain.

Now turn to the no