cting the whole of Europe is the hope of
a universal limitation of armaments. But there is a particular question,
touching France, which in practice would come before that. I mean
Alsace-Lorraine. Unless Germany conquers Europe, Alsace-Lorraine should
be restored to France. A profound national sentiment, to which all
conceivable considerations of expediency or ultimate advantage are
unimportant, demands imperatively the return of the plunder. And in the
councils of the Allies, either alone or with German representatives, the
attitude of French diplomacy would be: "Is it clear about
Alsace-Lorraine? If so, we may proceed. If not, it's no use going any
further."

*Question of Armaments.*

We now come to armaments. I have seen it suggested that the destruction
of Essen, Wilhelmshaven, and Heligoland ought to be a condition of peace
with Germany. Certainly the disappearance of these phenomena would be a
gain to the world. So would the disappearance of Rosyth and Toulon. It
seems to me, however, very improbable that their destruction or
dismantling by international command would occur after hostilities have
ceased, or could usefully so occur. If the French Army on its way to
Berlin can treat the Krupp factory as the German Army on its way to
Paris treated Rheims Cathedral, well and good! In fact, most excellent!
And if the British Navy can somehow emasculate Wilhelmshaven and
Heligoland I shall not complain that its behavior has been purely
doctrinaire. But otherwise I see nothing practical in the
Essen-Wilhelmshaven-Heligoland suggestion. Nor in the project for
dethroning the Kaiser and sending him and his eldest son to settle their
differences in St. Helena! The Kaiser--happily--is not a Napoleon, nor
has he yet himself accomplished anything big enough or base enough to
merit Napoleon's fate. Any dethroning that may enliven the gray monotony
of the post-bellum era at Potsdam should and will be done by the German
soldiers themselves. Even in international politics it is futile to try
to meddle in other people's private affairs.

Disarmament in Germany can be achieved by the exercise of one principle,
and one principle only. That principle is the principle of mutuality. A
scheme in which every nation will proportionately share should be
presented to Germany, and she should be respectfully but quite firmly
asked to participate in it. There would be no sense in saying to
Germany: "You must disarm." The magic words would b