ons. There have been surprisingly few changes in procedure since
the first convention. It opened with a temporary organization, examined
the credentials of delegates, and appointed a committee on permanent
organization, which reported a roster of permanent officers. It
appointed a committee on platform--then called an address to the people;
it listened to eulogistic nominating speeches, balloted for candidates,
and selected a committee to notify the nominees of their designation.
This is practically the order of procedure today. The national
convention is at once the supreme court and the supreme legislature of
the national party. It makes its own rules, designates its committees,
formulates their procedure and defines their power, writes the platform,
and appoints the national executive committee.

Two rules that have played a significant part in these conventions
deserve special mention. The first Democratic convention, in order to
insure the nomination of Van Buren for Vice-President--the nomination of
Jackson for President was uncontested--adopted the rule that "two-thirds
of the whole number of the votes in the convention shall be necessary
to constitute a choice." This "two-thirds" rule, so undemocratic in its
nature, remains the practice of the Democratic party today. The
Whigs and Republicans always adhered to the majority rule. The early
Democratic conventions also adopted the practice of allowing the
majority of the delegates from any State to cast the vote of the entire
delegation from that State, a rule which is still adhered to by the
Democrats. But the Republicans have since 1876 adhered to the policy of
allowing each individual delegate to cast his vote as he chooses.

The convention was by no means novel when accepted as a national organ
for a national party. As early as 1789 an informal convention was held
in the Philadelphia State House for nominating Federalist candidates for
the legislature. The practice spread to many Pennsylvania counties and
to other States, and soon this informality of self-appointed delegates
gave way to delegates appointed according to accepted rules. When the
legislative caucus as a means for nominating state officers fell into
disrepute, state nominating conventions took its place. In 1812 one of
the earliest movements for a state convention was started by Tammany
Hall, because it feared that the legislative caucus would nominate
DeWitt Clinton, its bitterest foe. The caucus,