r. There is no direct
evidence that he wrote the new constitution. But there is collateral
evidence. Indeed, it would not have been Burrian had he left any written
evidence of his connection with the organization. For Burr was one of
those intriguers who revel in mystery, who always hide their designs,
and never bind themselves in writing without leaving a dozen loopholes
for escape. He was by this time a prominent figure in American
politics. His skill had been displayed in Albany, both in the passing of
legislation and in out-maneuvering Hamilton and having himself
elected United States Senator against the powerful combination of the
Livingstons and the Schuylers. He was plotting for the Presidency as the
campaign of 1800 approached, and Tammany was to be the fulcrum to lift
him to this conspicuous place.

Under the ostensible leadership of Matthew L. Davis, Burr's chief
lieutenant, every ward of the city was carefully organized, a polling
list was made, scores of new members were pledged to Tammany, and during
the three days of voting (in New York State until 1840 elections
lasted three days), while Hamilton was making eloquent speeches for the
Federalists, Burr was secretly manipulating the wires of his machine.
Burr and Tammany won in New York City, though Burr failed to win the
Presidency. The political career of this remarkable organization, which
has survived over one hundred and twenty years of stormy history, was
now well launched.

From that time to the present the history of Tammany Hall is a tale
of victories, followed by occasional disclosures of corruption and
favoritism; of quarrels with governors and presidents; of party fights
between "up-state" and "city"; of skulking when its sachems were
unwelcome in the White House; of periodical displays of patriotism for
cloaking its grosser crimes; of perennial charities for fastening itself
more firmly on the poorer populace which has always been the source of
its power; of colossal municipal enterprise for profit-sharing; and of
a continuous political efficiency due to sagacious leadership, a
remarkable adaptability to the necessities of the hour, and a patience
that outlasts every "reform."

It early displayed all the traits that have made it successful. In 1801,
for the purpose of carrying city elections, it provided thirty-nine men
with money to purchase houses and lots in one ward, and seventy men
with money for the same purpose in another ward, thus ma