rivances oblige them to run into a real and ruinous
servitude, in order to avoid a supposed restraint that might be attended
with advantage.

If therefore this system has so ill answered its own grand pretence of
saving the King from the necessity of employing persons disagreeable to
him, has it given more peace and tranquillity to his Majesty's private
hours? No, most certainly. The father of his people cannot possibly
enjoy repose, while his family is in such a state of distraction. Then
what has the Crown or the King profited by all this fine-wrought scheme?
Is he more rich, or more splendid, or more powerful, or more at his ease,
by so many labours and contrivances? Have they not beggared his
Exchequer, tarnished the splendour of his Court, sunk his dignity, galled
his feelings, discomposed the whole order and happiness of his private
life?

It will be very hard, I believe, to state in what respect the King has
profited by that faction which presumptuously choose to call themselves
_his friends_.

If particular men had grown into an attachment, by the distinguished
honour of the society of their Sovereign, and, by being the partakers of
his amusements, came sometimes to prefer the gratification of his
personal inclinations to the support of his high character, the thing
would be very natural, and it would be excusable enough. But the
pleasant part of the story is, that these _King's friends_ have no more
ground for usurping such a title, than a resident freeholder in
Cumberland or in Cornwall. They are only known to their Sovereign by
kissing his hand, for the offices, pensions, and grants into which they
have deceived his benignity. May no storm ever come, which will put the
firmness of their attachment to the proof; and which, in the midst of
confusions and terrors, and sufferings, may demonstrate the eternal
difference between a true and severe friend to the Monarchy, and a
slippery sycophant of the Court; _Quantum infido scurrae distabit
amicus_!

* * * * *

So far I have considered the effect of the Court system, chiefly as it
operates upon the executive Government, on the temper of the people and
on the happiness of the Sovereign. It remains that we should consider,
with a little attention, its operation upon Parliament.

Parliament was indeed the great object of all these politics, the end at
which they aimed, as well as the instrument by which they were to
operate. But, before Parliament cou