es not belong to it. They will endeavour to keep
that House, for its existence for its powers, and its privileges, as
independent of every other, and as dependent upon themselves, as
possible. This servitude is to a House of Commons (like obedience to the
Divine law), "perfect freedom." For if they once quit this natural,
rational, and liberal obedience, having deserted the only proper
foundation of their power, they must seek a support in an abject and
unnatural dependence somewhere else. When, through the medium of this
just connection with their constituents, the genuine dignity of the House
of Commons is restored, it will begin to think of casting from it, with
scorn, as badges of servility, all the false ornaments of illegal power,
with which it has been, for some time, disgraced. It will begin to think
of its old office of CONTROL. It will not suffer that last of evils to
predominate in the country; men without popular confidence, public
opinion, natural connection, or natural trust, invested with all the
powers of Government.

When they have learned this lesson themselves, they will be willing and
able to teach the Court, that it is the true interest of the Prince to
have but one Administration; and that one composed of those who recommend
themselves to their Sovereign through the opinion of their country, and
not by their obsequiousness to a favourite. Such men will serve their
Sovereign with affection and fidelity; because his choice of them, upon
such principles, is a compliment to their virtue. They will be able to
serve him effectually; because they will add the weight of the country to
the force of the executory power. They will be able to serve their King
with dignity; because they will never abuse his name to the gratification
of their private spleen or avarice. This, with allowances for human
frailty, may probably be the general character of a Ministry, which
thinks itself accountable to the House of Commons, when the House of
Commons thinks itself accountable to its constituents. If other ideas
should prevail, things must remain in their present confusion, until they
are hurried into all the rage of civil violence; or until they sink into
the dead repose of despotism.

SPEECH ON THE MIDDLESEX ELECTION
FEBRUARY, 1771

Mr. Speaker,--In every complicated Constitution (and every free
Constitution is complicated) cases will arise, when the several orders of
the State will clash with one