rrien and practiced in Augusta. His nomination to second place
on the Webster ticket was a pledge of the high favor of the Whigs. Mr.
Jenkins was five years the senior of Mr. Toombs; had served with him in
the State Legislature and, like Toombs, had been allied with the Troup
party in Georgia. Mr. Jenkins had been three times Speaker of the lower
branch of the General Assembly, and in 1842 had received the entire Whig
vote for United States Senator. Upon the resignation of McKennon of
Pennsylvania, President Fillmore had, through Mr. Toombs, offered the
Interior Department to Mr. Jenkins. This position, however, was
declined because of pressing duties in the courts.
In the senatorial election of 1851 Mr. Jenkins would have been a
formidable candidate for United States Senator again, had not his strong
friendship both for Senator Berrien and Mr. Toombs dictated his
declining the use of his name. He was a man of high ability and pure
character.
Georgia became a national battle-ground during this campaign. Besides
the regular Whig and Democratic and the Webster tickets, there was an
extreme faction of States' Rights men, who would not accept any of these
candidates. They called on George M. Troup, then living in retirement in
Montgomery County. He wrote a ringing letter accepting the nomination of
the "Southern Rights" party for President. He was seventy-two years old,
but his cherished principles, which he had proclaimed in the face of
Adams and Jackson, were now repeated for the people of another
generation.
The gallant body of Union Whigs were destined to deep affliction. On the
24th of October, 1852, ten days before the national election, Daniel
Webster died. The land was filled with lamentation, for there was no
North, no South, in this sorrow.
The State of Georgia, which in 1848 had voted for Taylor, now turned
about and voted for Pierce and King. On November 2d the South Carolina
Legislature also cast 135 votes for the Pierce electors. General Scott
carried but four States in the Union, caused, as Mr. Stephens and Mr.
Toombs thought, by his refusal to indorse the Compromise of 1850.
On July 3, 1852, Mr. Toombs, then a member of the House, submitted an
elaborate statement of his political position. He made the point that
presidents, as then put forward, were not real representatives of the
country or even of a party. From the beginning of the government up to
1836 the presidency had been filled by ripe stat
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