evident early in the evening that his lecture would produce a
powerful effect. To many of his hearers his views were novel and fresh,
as they had never heard the Southern side of this great question. "With
the exception of Sam Houston," said a New York paper, "Mr. Toombs is the
only Southern man who has had the pluck to go into the antislavery camp
and talk aloud of the Constitution. Other Southern men, not afraid to
face Boston, have been afraid to face opinion at home."

In referring to the clause of the Constitution providing for the return
of fugitive slaves, Mr. Toombs was greeted by a hiss. The speaker turned
in the direction of the noise and said, "I did not put that clause
there. I am only giving the history of the action of your own John
Adams; of your fathers and mine. You may hiss them if you choose." The
effect was electrical. The hiss was drowned in a storm of applause. The
readiness and good-nature of the retort swept Boston off her feet, and
for one moment prejudice was forgotten.

The New York _Express_ declared that the speaker was earnest and
deliberate, presenting his argument with great power, and his lecture of
an hour and a half was, for the most part, listened to with respect and
attention. There was some conduct in the audience at the close which the
Boston _Journal_ was forced to denounce as "ungentlemanly." Three
cheers, not unmixed with dissent, were given to the distinguished
speaker. Someone called out, "When will Charles Sumner be allowed to
speak in the South?"

The New York _Express_ declared that "if Toombs and other hotheads would
lecture in Syracuse, Oswego, Ashtabula, and other points of 'Africa,'
they would do a good deal of good in educating the innocents and
becoming themselves educated and freed from fire, froth, fury, and
folly."

This lecture of Mr. Toombs at Boston will live as the most lucid defense
of slavery in law and in practice ever delivered. Slavery has fallen and
mankind has made up its verdict; but this address will still be read
with interest.

He did not hesitate to say that Congress had no right to limit,
restrain, or impair slavery; but, on the contrary, was bound to protect
it. At the time of the Declaration of Independence, slavery was a fact.
The Declaration did not emancipate a single slave; neither did the
Articles of Confederation. The Constitution recognized slavery. Every
clause relative to slavery was intended to strengthen and protect it.
Congress