ing to (16) even the baser sort the right of speech, for supposing
only the better people might speak, or sit in council, blessings would
fall to the lot of those like themselves, but to the commonalty the
reverse of blessings. Whereas now, any one who likes, any base fellow,
may get up and discover something to the advantage of himself and his
equals. It may be retorted: "And what sort of advantage either for
himself or for the People can such a fellow be expected to hit upon?"
The answer to which is, that in their judgment the ignorance and
baseness of this fellow, together with his goodwill, are worth a great
deal more to them than your superior person's virtue and wisdom, coupled
with animosity. What it comes to, therefore, is that a state founded
upon such institutions will not be the best state; (17) but, given a
democracy, these are the right means to procure its preservation. The
People, it must be borne in mind, does not demand that the city should
be well governed and itself a slave. It desires to be free and to be
master. (18) As to bad legislation it does not concern itself about
that. (19) In fact, what you believe to be bad legislation is the very
source of the People's strength and freedom. But if you seek for good
legislation, in the first place you will see the cleverest members of
the community laying down the laws for the rest. And in the next place,
the better class will curb and chastise the lower orders; the
better class will deliberate in behalf of the state, and not suffer
crack-brained fellows to sit in council, or to speak or vote in
Parliament. (20) No doubt; but under the weight of such blessings the
People will in a very short time be reduced to slavery.

(15) Lit. "everybody to speak in turn."

(16) Or, "it is a counsel of perfection on their part to grant to,"
etc.

(17) Or, "the ideal state."

(18) Or, "and to govern and hold office."

(19) Or, "it will take the risk of that."

(20) See Grote, "H. G." v. p. 510 note.

Another point is the extraordinary amount of license (21) granted to
slaves and resident aliens at Athens, where a blow is illegal, and a
slave will not step aside to let you pass him in the street. I will
explain the reason of this peculiar custom. Supposing it were legal
for a slave to be beaten by a free citizen, or for a resident alien or
freedman to be beaten by a citizen, it would frequently happen that
an Athenian might be mistaken for a slave or an