easonable and practical. Money became the object of a political
superstition, such as had formerly attached to land, and afterwards
attached to labour. The masses of the people, who had fought against
Marmont, became aware that they had not fought for their own benefit.
They were still governed by their employers.

When the King parted with Lafayette, and it was found that he would not
only reign but govern, the indignation of the republicans found a vent
in street fighting. In 1836, when the horrors of the infernal machine
had armed the crown with ampler powers, and had silenced the republican
party, the term Socialism made its appearance in literature.
Tocqueville, who was writing the philosophic chapters that conclude his
work, failed to discover the power which the new system was destined to
exercise on democracy. Until then, democrats and communists had stood
apart. Although the socialist doctrines were defended by the best
intellects of France, by Thierry, Comte, Chevalier, and Georges Sand,
they excited more attention as a literary curiosity than as the cause of
future revolutions. Towards 1840, in the recesses of secret societies,
republicans and socialists coalesced. Whilst the Liberal leaders,
Lamartine and Barrot, discoursed on the surface concerning reform, Ledru
Rollin and Louis Blanc were quietly digging a grave for the monarchy,
the Liberal party, and the reign of wealth. They worked so well, and the
vanquished republicans recovered so thoroughly, by this coalition, the
influence they had lost by a long series of crimes and follies, that, in
1848, they were able to conquer without fighting. The fruit of their
victory was universal suffrage.

From that time the promises of socialism have supplied the best energy
of democracy. Their coalition has been the ruling fact in French
politics. It created the "saviour of society," and the Commune; and it
still entangles the footsteps of the Republic. It is the only shape in
which democracy has found an entrance into Germany. Liberty has lost its
spell; and democracy maintains itself by the promise of substantial
gifts to the masses of the people.

Since the Revolution of July and the Presidency of Jackson gave the
impulse which has made democracy preponderate, the ablest political
writers, Tocqueville, Calhoun, Mill, and Laboulaye, have drawn, in the
name of freedom, a formidable indictment against it. They have shown
democracy without respect for the past or car