ourish only in name, and should not even discharge the humble function
which Hegel assigns to royalty, of dotting i's for the people.

The overthrow of the Cadiz constitution, in 1823, was the supreme
triumph of the restored monarchy of France. Five years later, under a
wise and liberal minister, the Restoration was advancing fairly on the
constitutional paths, when the incurable distrust of the Liberal party
defeated Martignac, and brought in the ministry of extreme royalists
that ruined the monarchy. In labouring to transfer power from the class
which the Revolution had enfranchised to those which it had overthrown,
Polignac and La Bourdonnaie would gladly have made terms with the
working men. To break the influence of intellect and capital by means of
universal suffrage, was an idea long and zealously advocated by some of
their supporters. They had not foresight or ability to divide their
adversaries, and they were vanquished in 1830 by the united democracy.

The promise of the Revolution of July was to reconcile royalists and
democrats. The King assured Lafayette that he was a republican at heart;
and Lafayette assured France that Louis Philippe was the best of
republics. The shock of the great event was felt in Poland, and Belgium,
and even in England. It gave a direct impulse to democratic movements in
Switzerland.

Swiss democracy had been in abeyance since 1815. The national will had
no organ. The cantons were supreme; and governed as inefficiently as
other governments under the protecting shade of the Holy Alliance. There
was no dispute that Switzerland called for extensive reforms, and no
doubt of the direction they would take. The number of the cantons was
the great obstacle to all improvement. It was useless to have
twenty-five governments in a country equal to one American State, and
inferior in population to one great city. It was impossible that they
should be good governments. A central power was the manifest need of the
country. In the absence of an efficient federal power, seven cantons
formed a separate league for the protection of their own interests.
Whilst democratic ideas were making way in Switzerland, the Papacy was
travelling in the opposite direction, and showing an inflexible
hostility for ideas which are the breath of democratic life. The growing
democracy and the growing Ultramontanism came into collision. The
Sonderbund could aver with truth that there was no safety for its rights
under