as to facts, and to speculate again on these conjectures. I
have a strong notion that the lateness of our meeting is owing to the
previous arrangements intended in Ireland. I suspect they mean that
Ireland should take a sort of lead, and act an efficient part in this
war, both with men and money. It will sound well, when we meet, to tell
us of the active zeal and loyalty of the people of Ireland, and contrast
it with the rebellious spirit of America. It will be a popular
topic,--the perfect confidence of Ireland in the power of the British
Parliament. From thence they will argue the little danger which any
dependency of the crown has to apprehend from the enforcement of that
authority. It will be, too, somewhat flattering to the country
gentlemen, who might otherwise begin to be sullen, to hold out that the
burden is not wholly to rest upon them; and it will pique our pride to
be told that Ireland has cheerfully stepped forward: and when a
dependant of this kingdom has already engaged itself in another year's
war, merely for our dignity, how can we, who are principals in the
quarrel, hold off? This scheme of policy seems to me so very obvious,
and is likely to be of so much service to the present system, that I
cannot conceive it possible they should neglect it, or something like
it. They have already put the people of Ireland to the proof. Have they
not borne the Earl of Buckinghamshire, the person who was employed to
move the fiery committee in the House of Lords in order to stimulate the
ministry to this war, who was in the chair, and who moved the
resolutions?

It is within a few days of eleven years since I was in Ireland, and then
after an absence of two. Those who have been absent from any scene for
even a much shorter time generally lose the true practical notion of the
country, and of what may or may not be done in it. When I knew Ireland,
it was very different from the state of England, where government is a
vast deal, the public something, but individuals comparatively very
little. But if Ireland bears any resemblance to what it was some years
ago, neither government nor public opinion can do a great deal; almost
the whole is in the hands of a few leading people. The populace of
Dublin, and some parts in the North, are in some sort an exception. But
the Primate, Lord Hillsborough, and Lord Hertford have great sway in the
latter; and the former may be considerable or not, pretty much as the
Duke of Leinster pl