e test itself, which was rightly
considered by Dissenters as in a manner dispensed with by an annual act
of Parliament, and which in Ireland was of a late origin, and of much
less extent than here, a matter of much moment. The thing which seemed
to affect him most was the offence that would be taken at the repeal by
the leaders among the Church clergy here, on one hand, and, on the
other, the steps which would be taken for its repeal in England in the
next session, in consequence of the repeal in Ireland. I assured him,
with great truth, that we had no idea among the Whigs of moving the
repeal of the test. I confessed very freely, for my own part, that, if
it were brought in, I should certainly vote for it; but that I should
neither use, nor did I think applicable, any arguments drawn from the
analogy of what was done in other parts of the British dominions. We did
not argue from analogy, even in this island and United Kingdom.
Presbytery was established in Scotland. It became no reason either for
its religious or civil establishment here. In New England the
Independent Congregational Churches had an established legal
maintenance; whilst that country continued part of the British empire,
no argument in favor of Independency was adduced from the practice of
New England. Government itself lately thought fit to establish the Roman
Catholic religion in Canada; but they would not suffer an argument of
analogy to be used for its establishment anywhere else. These things
were governed, as all things of that nature are governed, not by general
maxims, but their own local and peculiar circumstances. Finding,
however, that, though he was very cool and patient, I made no great way
in the business of the Dissenters, I turned myself to try whether,
falling in with his maxims, some modification might not be found, the
hint of which I received from your letter relative to the Irish Militia
Bill, and the point I labored was so to alter the clause as to repeal
the test _quoad_ military and revenue offices: for these being only
subservient parts in the economy and execution, rather than the
administration of affairs, the politic, civil, and judicial parts would
still continue in the hands of the conformists to religious
establishments. Without giving any hopes, he, however, said that this
distinction deserved to be considered. After this, I strongly pressed
the mischief of rejecting the whole bill: that a notion went abroad,
that governme