ced for the slogan of
national safety"; in this war "the government must recognize the
organized labor movement as the agency through which it must cooperate
with wage earners." Such recognition will imply first "representation on
all agencies determining and administering policies of national
defense" and "on all boards authorized to control publicity during war
time." Second, that "service in government factories and private
establishments, in transportation agencies, all should conform to trade
union standards"; and that "whatever changes in the organization of
industry are necessary upon a war basis, they should be made in accord
with plans agreed upon by representatives of the government and those
engaged and employed in the industry." Third, that the government's
demand of sacrifice of their "labor power, their bodies or their lives"
be accompanied by "increased guarantees and safe-guards," the imposing
of a similar burden on property and the limitation of profits. Fourth,
that "organization for industrial and commercial service" be "upon a
different basis from military service" and "that military service should
be carefully distinguished from service in industrial disputes," since
"the same voluntary institutions that organized industrial, commercial
and transportation workers in times of peace will best take care of the
same problems in time of war." For, "wrapped up with the safety of this
Republic are ideals of democracy, a heritage which the masses of the
people received from our forefathers, who fought that liberty might live
in this country--a heritage that is to be maintained and handed down to
each generation with undiminished power and usefulness."

We quote at such length because this document gives the quintessence of
the wise labor statesmanship which this crisis brought so clearly to
light. Turning away from the pacifism of the Socialist party, Samuel
Gompers and his associates believed that victory over world militarism
as well as over the forces of reaction at home depended on labor's
unequivocal support of the government. And in reality, by placing the
labor movement in the service of the war-making power of the nation they
assured for it, for the time being at least, a degree of national
prestige and a freedom to expand which could not have been conquered by
many years of the most persistent agitation and strikes.

The War, thus, far from being a trial for organized labor, proved
instead a great