first I consented to accept this proof of my
father's attachment; I represented to myself such an idea of the
ascendancy which his presence would produce, that I thought it
impossible to resist him; his age, the fine expression of his looks,
and the union of so much noble mindedness, and refinement of
intellect, appeared to me likely even to captivate Bonaparte
himself. I knew not at that time, to what a degree the consul was
irritated against his book; but fortunately for me, I reflected that
these very advantages were only more likely to excite in the first
consul a stronger desire of humbling their possessor. Assuredly he
would have found means, at least in appearance, of accomplishing
that desire; as power in France has many allies, and if the spirit
of opposition has been frequently displayed, it has only been
because the weakness of the government has offered it an easy
victory. It cannot be too often repeated, that what the French love
above all things, is success, and that with them, power easily
succeeds in making misfortune ridiculous. Finally, thank God! I
awoke from the illusion to which I had given myself up, and
positively refused the noble sacrifice which my father proposed to
make for me. When he saw me completely decided not to accept it, I
perceived how much it would have cost him. I lost him fifteen months
afterwards, and if he had then executed the journey he proposed, I
should have attributed his illness to that cause, and remorse would
have still kept my wound festering.

* This letter is the same which is spoken of in the 4th part of the
Considerations on the French revolution, chap. 7.
Editor.

It was also during the winter of 1802-3, that Switzerland took arms
against the unitarian constitution which had been imposed upon her.
Singular mania of the French revolutionists to compel all countries
to adopt a political organization similar to that of France! There
are, doubtless, principles common to all countries, such as those
which secure the civil and political rights of free people; but of
what consequence is it whether there should be a limited monarchy,
as in England, or a federal republic, like the United States, or the
Thirteen Swiss Cantonss? and was it necessary to reduce Europe to a
single idea, like the Roman people to a single head, in order to be
able to command and to change the whole in one day!

The first consul certainly attached no importance to this or that
form of constitu