tion"--the co-operation between the various group
interests of the community. Their theory was that of class struggle;
they proclaimed this to be their aim, and worked to give to the
revolution this character. Though a minority, they were a very active
and energetic group, and tended to give the tone in the meetings and
resolutions of revolutionary democracy, thus dulling the spirit of
cooperation, which characterized the first period of the revolution.

The extremists wished a social revolution, "permanent revolution," class
struggle, and they agitated openly and with energy. The workmen and
soldiers of Petrograd had borne the brunt of the physical side of the
revolution. Only workmen and soldiers had been killed fighting for
the revolution during that first week. These particular groups were
therefore proclaimed the "pride and flower of the revolution," and
told that they must establish the dictatorship of the proletariat,
thus consolidating the conquests of the revolution, which should not be
allowed to remain a mere bourgeois affair.

The moderate, constructive socialists did not accept this extreme view,
but they nevertheless recognized the need for an effective organization
of revolutionary democracy all over the country, to ensure the adoption
of truly democratic policies. So they also set about to strengthen and
extend the councils and committees that had emerged with the revolution,
coordinating them in conferences and formal congresses. Much of the
activity along these lines was in fact of a constructive character.
But class and party considerations were always in the foreground at all
these congresses. Also the constructive socialists did not accept the
idea of a formal coalition at the beginning. They did not participate as
organizations in the first government. Kerensky was a socialist, but
he entered the first government as a member of the Duma, and not as the
representative of the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies.

The resolution of a conference of the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers'
Deputies, called during the fourth week of the revolution, summarizes
the attitude of revolutionary democracy toward the problem of the
moment. The full text of the resolution, given in a literal translation
to preserve as far as possible the style of the original, is an
interesting document:

"Whereas the Provisional Government, that was brought into power by the
overthrow of the autocracy, represents the in