d that only
recognition of such supervision would ensure any measure of common
action. The Duma committee had been asked to efface itself, for as
an institution of the old regime it aroused the suspicions of the
revolutionary bodies. The efficiency of the local government bodies was
sacrificed to the idea of immediate democratization. The establishment
of revolutionary committees all over the country, and in the army even,
was countenanced and accepted, though perhaps only because it was seen
that it could not be prevented except by repressive measures, to which
the first leaders were unwilling to resort. Perhaps also the latter
realized that physical force was not on their side.

The Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies acted on the principle
of a direct mandate from the whole people. It issued orders to
revolutionary democracy, as we saw. It insisted on the exercise of a
real control, even on the right to countersign, as it were, some of the
orders of the Provisional Government. Then it definitely questioned the
policy and measures of the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Minister
of War. When these two men were forced to resign, the other members
of the government demanded that revolutionary democracy share in the
responsibility of government, if it insisted on such a measure of
control. The Councils at first refused, but later agreed, and a frankly
and officially recognized coalition government was formed. Socialists
entered the government not only as members of their respective parties,
but as representatives of revolutionary democracy organized in the
Councils, which now contained delegates from the peasantry, hurriedly
brought in by a somewhat artificial system of representation.

The first Coalition Government drew up a program of policy. As this
program was somewhat vaguely worded, coalition in the strict and true
sense of the word was not secured. The socialists had entered the
coalition under pressure, as we saw. Some of them felt called upon to
justify the step in a statement, later discovered and made public, to
socialists of other countries. In the statement they explained that they
had entered the government, in order to "deepen and extend the class
struggle." And this is what some of them did actually start in to do,
using their authority and powers as ministers to turn the organs of
revolutionary democracy in this direction, promoting suspicion of and
antagonism toward the bourgeoisie. The soc