wished to
speak, but was shut out by the length of other speeches. 'So,' he
moralises, 'I had two useful lessons instead of one. For the sense of
helplessness which always possesses me in prospect of a speech is one
very useful lesson; and being disappointed after having attained some
due state of excitement and anticipation is another.'

SPEECH AT NEWARK

In June at a feast at Newark, which, terrible to relate, lasted from
four o'clock to eleven, Mr. Gladstone gave them nearly an hour, not to
mention divers minor speeches. His father 'expressed himself with
beautiful and affectionate truth of feeling, and the party sympathised.'
His own speech deserves to be noted as indicating the political
geography for three or four years to come. The standing dish of the tory
opposition of the period was highly-spiced reproach of the ministers for
living on the support of O'Connell, and Newark was regaled with an ample
meal. Mr. Gladstone would not enter into a detail of the exploits,
character, political opinions of that Irish gentleman; he would rather
say what he thought of him in his presence than in his absence, because
he could unfortunately say nothing of him but what was bad. 'This is not
the first period in English history,' Mr. Gladstone noted down at that
time, 'in which a government has leaned on the Roman catholic interest
in Ireland for support. Under the administration of Strafford and at the
time of the Scotch revolt, Charles I. was enthusiastically supported by
the recusants of the sister isle, and what was the effect? The religious
sympathies of the people were touched then and they were so now with the
same consequence, in the gradual decline of the party to whom the
suspicion attaches in popular fervour and estimation.' Half a century
later he may have recalled this early fruit of historic observation.
Meanwhile, in his Newark speech, he denounced the government for seeking
to undo the mischief of the Irish alliance by systematic agitation. But
it was upon the church question, far deeper and more vital than
municipal corporations, that the fate of the government should be
decided. Then followed a vindication of the church in Ireland. 'The
protestant faith is held good for us, and _what is good for us is also
good for the population of Ireland_.' That most disastrous of all our
false commonplaces was received at Newark, as it has been received so
many hundreds of times ever since all ove