s no
constitutional provision equivalent to Section 14 of the constitution
of Austria, but during 1897-1899 the utter breakdown of legislation at
Budapest drove Premier Banffy to a policy of government by decree very
similar to that which was at the same time being employed at Vienna.
The Government had all of the while a substantial majority, but the
obstructionist tactics of the Independence group, the Apponyi
Nationalists, and the Clericals were of such a nature that normal
legislation was impossible. Under the regime of Szell (February, 1899,
to May, 1903), who was a survivor of the old Deak group,
constitutionalism was rehabilitated and the Liberals who had been
alienated by Banffy's autocratic measures were won back to the
Government's support. Nationalist obstruction likewise diminished, for
the primary object of Apponyi's followers had been to drive Banffy
from power.

The brief ministry of Count Khuen-Hedervary (May 1 to September (p. 503)
29, 1903) was followed by a ministry presided over by Count Istvan
[Stephen] Tisza, son of Kalman Tisza, premier from 1875 to 1890. The
principal task of the younger Tisza's ministry was to effect an
arrangement whereby the Hungarian army, while remaining essentially
Hungarian, should not be impaired in efficiency as a part of the dual
monarchy's military establishment. During parliamentary consideration
of this subject obstruction to the Government's proposals acquired
again such force that, under the accustomed rules of procedure, no
action could be taken. November 18, 1904, the opposition shouted down
a Modification of the Standing Orders bill, designed to frustrate
obstruction, and would permit no debate upon it; whereupon, the
president of the Chamber declared the bill carried and adjourned the
house until December 13, and subsequently until January 5, 1905. The
opposition commanded now 190 votes in a total of 451. When the date
for the reassembling arrived members of the obstructionist groups
broke into the parliament house and by demolishing the furniture
rendered a session for the time impossible. In disgust Tisza appealed
to the country, only to be signally defeated. The Government carried
but 152 seats. The Kossuth party of Independence alone carried 163;
the Liberal dissenters under Andrassy got 23; the Clerical People's
party, 23; the Banffy group, 11; and the non-Magyar nationalities, 8.
Tisza sought to retire, but not until June 17, 1905, would the
sovereig