stated the manner in which the organization I have alluded
to, works upon all the great interests of the country; but I wish your
Lordships particularly to attend to the manner in which it works upon
the church itself. That part of the church of England which exists in
Ireland is in a very peculiar situation; it is the church of the
minority of the people. At the same time, I believe that a more
exemplary, a more pious, or a more learned body of men, than the members
of that church do not exist. The members of that church certainly enjoy
and deserve the affections of those whom they are sent to instruct, in
the same degree as their brethren in England enjoy the affections of the
people of this country; and I have no doubt that they would shed the
last drop of their blood in defence of the doctrines and discipline of
their church. But violence, I apprehend, is likely to affect the
interests of that church; and I would put it to the House, whether that
church can be better protected from violence by a government united in
itself, united with Parliament and united in sentiment with the great
body of the people, or by a government disunited in opinion, disunited
from Parliament, and by the two houses of Parliament disunited. I am
certain that no man can look to the situation of Ireland, without seeing
that the interest of the church as well as the interest of every class
of persons under government, is involved in such a settlement of this
question, as will bring with it strength to the government, and strength
to every department of the state.

The bill before the House concedes to Roman Catholics the power of
holding any office in the state, excepting a few connected with the
administration of the affairs of the church; and it also concedes to
them the power of becoming members of Parliament. I believe it goes
further, with respect to the concession of offices, than any former
measure which has been introduced into the other House of Parliament. I
confess that the reasons which induced me to consider it my duty to make
such large concessions now, arose out of the effects which I observed
following the acts proposed in the years 1782 and 1793. I have seen that
any restriction upon concession has only had the effect of increasing
the demands of the Roman Catholics, and at the same time giving them
fresh power to enforce those demands. I have, therefore, considered it
my duty, in making this act of concession, to make it as