alled a permanent act of Parliament, a permanent provision for
all future periods, to exclude Catholics from seats in Parliament. My
Lords, I beg to observe that, if the act which excludes Roman Catholics
from seats in Parliament, is permanent, there is another clause, (I
believe the 10th of cap 8. 1st William and Mary) which requires
officers of the army and navy to take those very oaths previous to the
acceptance of their commissions. Now if the act made in the first year
of William and Mary, which excludes Roman Catholics from Parliament, is
permanent, I should like to ask noble Lords, why the clause in that act
is not equally permanent? I suppose that the noble and learned Lord will
answer my question by saying, that one act was permanent and ought to be
permanently maintained, but that the other act was not permanent, and
the Parliament did right in repealing it in 1817. But the truth of the
matter is, that neither act was intended to be permanent; and the
Parliament of Queen Anne recognised by the Act of Union that the first
act, relating to seats in Parliament, was not permanent; and the noble
and learned Lord (Eldon) did right when he consented to the act of 1817,
which put an end to the 10th clause of the 1st William III., cap. 8.
Then, my Lords, if this principle of exclusion--if this principle of the
constitution of 1688, as it is called, be not permanent,--if it be
recognised as not permanent, not only by the act of union with Scotland,
(in which it was said that the exclusive oath should continue till
Parliament otherwise provided,) but also by the late act of Union with
Ireland, I would ask your Lordships, whether you are not at liberty now
to consider the expediency of doing away with it altogether, in order to
relieve the country from the inconveniences to which I have already
adverted? I would ask your Lordships, whether you are not called upon
to review the state of the representation of Ireland,--whether you are
not called upon to see, even supposing that the principle were a
permanent one, if it be fit that Parliament should remain, as it has
remained for some time, groaning under Popish influence exercised by the
Priests over the elections in Ireland. I would ask your Lordships, I
repeat, whether it is not right to make an arrangement, which has for
its object, not only the settlement of this question, but at the same
time to relieve the country from the inconveniences I have mentioned. I
have already