s in which their planning may involve this country, and the
whole of Europe. If their designs even met with a temporary success,
they would inevitably lead to a war of opinion, to a war of
religion--the worst of wars, and the most deplorable consequences for
all Europe would ensue.

_September 30, 1831._

[Footnote 13: The Wine Duties Bill; for regulating the tariff as
regards Portugal.]

* * * * *

_The Duke's Declaration against all Reform._

But, my Lords, if I wanted an example of the value of the House of
Commons, I should find it in the opinion of the noble Earl (Grey) the
last time, I believe, the last time that he spoke of the House of
Commons. In the month of February, 1817, the noble Lord said,
"constituted as it now was, he, in his conscience, believed that the
House of Commons was, of all other institutions, in all the other
countries of the world, the institution best calculated for the general
protection of the subject. Supported by the people, in temperate and
firm claims for redress, it was not only able, but certain to remedy
every wrong. It was capable of acting as the most efficient control upon
the executive, by diminishing the means of consumption, and reducing the
pressure of a severe and grinding taxation." That was the opinion of the
noble Earl himself, in 1817; and what, I would ask, has the Parliament
done, subsequently, to deserve the disapprobation of the noble Earl?
What had it done between 1817 and the moment when I pronounced that
approbation of Parliament, of which my noble friend (Earl Winchelsea)
and the noble Earl (Grey) have so much disapproved? When the noble Earl
quoted what I said not quite a twelvemonth ago, he might, I think, quote
it correctly. What I said was, that Parliament had done its duty by the
country, and enjoyed its confidence. I said, that if I had to create a
constitution of Parliament, I could not create that which now existed,
because I did not believe the art of one man could invent such a system;
but I said, that I would do my endeavour to establish one like it, in
which property in land should be preponderant. That was what I said; and
I afterwards had the satisfaction to hear the noble Marquis (Lansdowne)
deliver a similar opinion. He stated that, in any system of
representation which he could support, property and learning must be
preponderant. I said that I should consider it my duty to resist the
adopting of any plan of r